Youth Vote

This week Chris Bowers over at Open Left predicts that the voters upon which Barack Obama depended in 2008, a large bloc being young voters, will fail to turn out this November. Bowers grounds his argument in what he calls "long-term civic trends" that show "drop-off voters" participating in presidential elections and failing to go to the polls just two years later. Bowers contends that the importance of young voters to Obama's coalition will exacerbate this situation come Election Day, as youth consistently form a smaller share of the vote in midterm elections compared to presidential elections (for information on "share" versus "turnout," please read the first bullet point here). Thus, Bowers calls for a strategy of persuasion as opposed to mobilization.

I disagree with Bowers. In covering youth political participation, one quickly identifies the chicken-egg nature of the topic. Politicians and parties believe youth cannot and will not be politically engaged, so many of the ads, phone calls, and messages are tailored to older voters, alienating the youth demographic. When youth do not turn out after politicians largely ignore them, the media, pundits, parties, and candidates express disappointment in young voters for failing to engage. Thus, youth naturally view electoral politics with cynicism.

In unquestionably consuming the line that youth won't turn out without unearthing why this might be, we perpetuate the cycle. In a tough political environment thus far, with 435 House races this November and over 30 Senate campaigns, it's going to be easy this cycle for timid and weak Democratic incumbents and their consultants to stick their fingers in their mouths, hold them out in front of them, and avoid making tough decisions. And with the GOP disgusting young voters, Republicans have little incentive to target youth. Accepting this as inevitability is what gets us to this situation in the first place, because it doesn't shine the light on the ineffectiveness of this stale strategy. The result is an electorate that's older, more moralistic, and polarized. Boomer-like ideological strength is at the heart of midterms, not Millennial problem solving. Thus, I heartily disagree with Bowers' resigned argument because it reflects the hegemony that silences youth and leads to more of the same in our political dialogue, which we can no longer afford.

Perhaps if candidates were to truly engage youth in medium (use up-to-date technological communication) and message (a strong, progressive discussion of the economy, higher education, climate crisis, and national service framed in a problem-solving approach) and possess a strong record of consistent conviction, they might respond. Furthermore, youth suffer from a lack of access, not apathy. When young people are registered to vote, they turn out. For example, according to the US Census, 81.6% of all registered young voters actually cast a ballot in 2004. That is on par with other portions of electorate.

It's not going to be easy. It's harder to register/inspire a younger group of people to vote when they are collectively facing over 500 decisions without a headlining candidate/campaign at the top. But it won't be as hard if we're willing to challenge our candidates' conventional campaign strategies.

Bowers is right on one thing -- young voters do form the heart of Obama's base. Unlike Bowers, though, I argue that 2010 is so important, our issues are so pressing, and our demographic is so critical to Democratic success that there's no choice but to view this as a mobilization struggle. Political interest is at an all-time high among youth; to capitalize, we must recalibrate our campaigns to attract the support of young people.

The Audacity to Win: The Inside Story and Lessons of Barack Obama's Historic Victory

Those of us in the progressive youth movement have been talking about the importance of young voter outreach for a long time now. We tried to drive home the point that young voters are not apathetic, but disengaged due to that self-fulfilling prophecy of traditional campaign 'wisdom.' Youth political organizations kept succeeding, increasing youth turnout in 2004 and 2006. David Plouffe, David Axelrod, and Barack Obama eschewed tradition by deciding from the beginning that organizing young voters to expand the electorate would be the key to victory.

"One of [Paul] Tewes's ideas was to make sure we were working every community, no matter how small. African American, Latino, high school kids, Republicans--we had staff assigned to all of the demographics, months ahead of our competition." The Obama campaign began by working hard to turn out the potential voters that traditional campaigns write off. While critics of the youth vote claim that 2008 was a fluke and just about Obama, it is clear that the campaign worked hard to organize youth that had never been asked for their vote by a campaign. The campaign knew that they "would win Iowa only on the backs of independents, Republicans, young voters, and new registrants--a scary proposition, to say the least."

The campaign was able to look at the election through the lens of a young voter. "At least 95 percent of our six thousand employees were under the age of thirty, most under the age of twenty-five." While it is not uncommon for a lot of campaign staff to be young, what was exceptional about the Obama campaign was the respect for them and the willingness to trust their instincts on what was happening on the ground.

We adjusted accordingly, adding more media and Internet advertising geared exclusively to younger voters; we prepared to do a lot more instructional and informative work with our supporters so they knew how to caucus, while trying not to spook them; and we redoubled our efforts to attract support from conventional caucus Democrats so our newbies in certain precincts were matched with some grizzled veterans.

The campaign invested in "advertising specifically geared toward women, seniors, and younger voters, African Americans and Latinos." The messaging of the youth advertising reflected an understanding of the generation: "spots for those under thirty were very aspirational, a call to action, focusing on issues like Iraq and the environment, and calling on younger voters to get involved in shaping the future." Young voters, used to being ignored, were finally being engaged by a campaign with the same effort and respect showed to seniors.

The Obama campaign conceived of and executed a strategy to expand the electorate by registering and turning out young voters and other traditionally underrepresented demographics. Here are a few passages from The Audacity to Win on how this strategy became a winning one:

As the returns came in we could see the traces of our strategy's design: by registering over one hundred thousand new voters, producing strong turnout among African Americans and young voters, and winning college-educated whites thanks to our stand against the gas tax, we had made ourselves unbeatable in North Carolina.

We registered many thousands of new voters in both states, and these voters participated at high rates, defying the conventional view that new registrants turn out in very low numbers. A strong showing from African Americans and younger voters might put both these states in play in the general election.

If we did not register enough African Americans and young voters in North Carolina and then turn them out on Election Day, we could not win. Facing a traditional electorate meant we shouldn't even bother with a state like North Carolina, no matter how much money we spent.

By focusing their attention on young voters and actually spending resources on research, the campaign learned new things about new and young voters. An example was when their numbers showed that they were not meeting their initial goals for youth early voting:

First, many young voters were so excited by this election that they couldn't envision doing anything besides voting for Barack Obama in person at the polling location. When we raised with them the possibility of long lines, or the potential to free themselves up to volunteer, they simply wouldn't budge. This was a big moment for them and they felt it would seem bigger if they voted at the polls. In any case, they were still dead-set on participating, which relieved us.

The second lesson was that there was still some confusion about who was eligible to vote early and how it worked. Armed with these findings, we made sure our communications to younger voters included even more remedial information about the nuts and bolts of early voting. Soon enough, their numbers began to climb. In many states we lowered our expectations for the under-twenty-five early vote (but not for overall turnout), and we eventually hit those numbers in most battlegrounds.

Republicans have spent a lot of effort in previous campaigns spreading misinformation to young voters about such things as early voting, residency, and registration. By putting in the effort to combat that misinformation, the campaign was able to empower and turn out voters who were unsure of the sometimes complex election laws.

As we now know, this strategy of reaching out to young voters paid off, despite the naysayers from the media and the old school political establishment:

Our base--African Americans, sporadic-voting Democrats, and younger voters--was turning out in larger numbers than McCain's base in most states.

The share of the electorate over sixty-five actually dropped between 2004 and 2008, not because fewer older voters turned out but because younger ones showed up in droves.

Because the Obama campaign was committed to putting effort and resources in registering and turning out young voters, treating them with the same respect as other demographics, they were able to build on the work done by youth organizations since 2000 to culminate with those voters carrying Obama to victory and the presidency. However, culminate may not be the appropriate word. The work in further expanding the electorate by turning out young voters to elect Democrats is far from over. There is more potential for the Millennial generation to not only expand the electorate in an election, but to fundamentally alter the country for the better.

I'll leave you with David Plouffe's words on our generation:

I left the campaign extraordinarily confident about the future of the country, because of the talent and drive of the young men and women who made our victory possible. Certainly, we would not have won the primary or the general without a surging youth turnout in any number of states, Iowa most importantly. But their impact on the election goes beyond casting ballots. Most of our staff was under thirty, many of them were under twenty-five, as were a sizable chunk of our most active volunteers. As I witnessed, sometimes in awe, their performance and desire to look beyond themselves and contribute to a better world (and they have a distinctly global outlook) it gave me extreme comfort to know that in the not so distant future they will be taking the reins and leading our companies, campaigns, and institutions. For my generation, the rocking chair beckons--these kids are that good. I can't wait to experience their leadership and vision in the years to come.

Ballot boxes all over the country felt pretty lonely on Tuesday.
Sure, they had election workers tending to them and making sure ballots were fully stocked. And, of course, older voters predictably made their way to the polls. But young people were largely missing on Tuesday.

In Iowa City and in several key elections all across the country, the youth turnout was abysmal.

One year ago, youth — those aged 18-29 — fueled the election of the nation’s first black president.

Beginning with the Iowa caucuses, young people not only voted in greater numbers, they volunteered, took off school to work on the campaign, and donated money.

Before 2008, how many candidates created Facebook pages or sent out important political information via text message? Now every candidate running for political office — whether for governor or dogcatcher — has a Facebook page, a website, and would love to get your cell-phone number. In 2008, youth were an absolutely critical component, a major piece to the puzzle in the election of Barack Obama.
Young people transformed politics.

One year later, we have to ask ourselves, “What happened?” It’s not only Iowa City student precincts that performed poorly. Youth turnout barely registered in New Jersey and student-saturated Virginia. There are some locally and nationally who will look at Tuesday’s results and argue that students are simply apathetic. To them, 2008 was an aberration — no Obama to vote for, no youth turnout.

It’s easy to make such an argument, but it’s too simplistic and not entirely correct. Yes, too many students are apathetic. Many are uninterested and disengaged from politics. Youth turnout since 2004 has been increasing and in 2009 there were several young candidates elected to local office.

The truth is that in many instances young people are engaged. Yet, it’s also true that youth are too often are completely absent when they don’t feel a direct connection to an issue. And it’s true that in elections that don’t spike a high level of interest and excitement, young people sometimes don’t bother to vote.

While Iowa City’s City Council elections are nonpartisan, a lack of youth turnout contributed to Republican victories in Virginia and New Jersey. Democrats are increasingly reliant on young voters and youth turnout. Not only did Obama win the youth vote by a nearly 3 to 1 margin, youth made up a greater share of the overall electorate in 2008. When young people don’t vote, it’s more difficult for Democrats to win.

According to available exit poll data, 18-29 year olds were only 10 percent of all voters in Virginia’s gubernatorial race. In 2008, youth made up 21 percent of the electorate. In 2008, Obama received 60 percent of the youth vote in Virginia and became the first Democrat to carry Virginia since 1964. In 2009, the Democratic candidate, Creigh Deeds, received 44 percent of the youth vote. Deeds actually lost voters under 30 to the Republican candidate, Bob McDonnell.

While Deeds was far from perfect, his campaign never made young voters a priority. The result: anemic youth turnout in Virginia and a defeat. You don’t have to act like Obama, talk like him, or even look like him to inspire young voters. You do, however, have to talk to youth, ask youth for their votes, and give them a reason to vote for you.

There’s no excuse for the lack of student turnout in Tuesday’s City Council election. With two students on the ballot, student turnout should have been greater.

But let’s be careful not to give up on young voters in 2010.
For Democratic candidates, youth turnout will be critical to their success. And candidates running in 2010 who want youth to turn out have to go out and make a compelling case for them to do so.

This article originally appeared in The Daily Iowan on November 5th. The Daily Iowan is the student newspaper at the University of Iowa. The author Simeon Talley is a columnist for the paper.

Rachel Hoff of the Weekly Standard posted a gloating piece and was tweeting up a story about her new belief that young voters are now Republicans after the Virginia elections.

"The young people who were the driving force of the Obama campaign stayed home in 2009. Claims that President Obama won a generation of young Americans to the Democratic Party were vastly exaggerated. The power of Obamamania, it seems, was personality politics -- not an actual commitment to the Democratic Party or principles.

Perhaps more amazing and disappointingly under-reported by the media is the fact that 18-29 year olds in Virginia voted for Bob McDonnell over the Democrat 54% to 44%. McDonnell proved that a dynamic candidate with the right ideas, an active youth outreach program, and strategic use of new media technologies, Republican candidates can win the youth vote."

Similarly, Charlie Cook's analysis of Tuesday's election included the following assumption:

"We knew that the young and minority voters who had never cast a ballot before they did for Barack Obama last year were very unlikely to show up at the polls this year or next."

First, while Rachel is right to congratulate McDonnell for his campaign's youth outreach, I hardly think it has anything to do with young voters having gone to the GOP.

Young people prefer progressive ideas, they reject the traditional party structure and tend to identify as more independent. They have much more progressive values. McDonnell's campaign focused on things like infrastructure, energy, and education. He did youth outreach. I don't know if Deeds did, but the consistent narrative around the Deeds campaign was that he wasn't really for anything. The additional narrative I hear is that VA isn't that Democratic.

This doesn't mean young voters have gone GOP, it means that when you put forth the effort to get young voters, you speak to their issues, and you get out the vote you get a good result. Further, when you don't have a strong Democrat at the top of the ticket but you have a strong Republican at the top of the ticket those young Republicans or those young conservative voters turn out. From the numbers I've seen the students at Liberty University could have turned out and made the margin of victory for McDonnell.

To respond to Mr. Cook, I completely understand the misunderstanding. I will say that most of the smartest political operatives know nothing about young voters, its unique to find people who understand how the youth vote works. I know all of the experts and Mr. Cook isn't one of them.

From what I understand about the turnout from the Virginia Election specifically compared to 2009 there was 1/3 of the turnout in 09 compared to 08. Is Mr. Cook really going to say that 2/3 of the Virginia electorate in 2008 was young and minority voters? Really? Come on... In the off season you see a drop off, its normal. When you don't have an inspiring candidate you get an uninspiring result. Sorry Deeds... no offense.

What we saw in 2006 was an uptick in the youth turnout when compared to other midterms. 2004 saw an increase and 2008 even larger than that. If the DCCC and the DSCC wants to see an increase in youth turnout consistent with 2006 they have to work for it. 2006 was a great year that had a consistent message with a Congressional plan that included the needs of the Millennial Generation within its top 10 bills they intended to pass when Democrats won back Congress. If Democrats can continue the same inspiration, provide a reasonable plan for legislation that youth want to see, and do the proper outreach to young people through campaigns you'll get a good turnout.

As Kevin posted Wednesday, amid all of the GOP wins in VA and NJ there were some pretty powerful successes in young elected officials at the municipal level across the country, and some progressive ordinances.

The moral of the story continues to be that young voters will turn out if they are graced with the same outreach as older voters. That is, if you want them to turn out. Progressive candidates can win if they work to engage young voters in their district that connect to progressive issues. As a partisan hack my advice to the other side is to be more conservative and embrace the teabaggers.

In the work that we do as part of the progressive youth movement, vote drives aimed toward young people can easily take on a message like "vote for voting's sake." The result? A media and society that just assume youth are going to vote regardless of what is going on around them. It's a convenient dualism for the establishment: if youth don't vote, call them disengaged; if they do vote, it's due to either a hotshot candidate, issues on the line directly impacting their lives, or because they're supposed to since everyone else is doing it. This is ignorant, though, and just as the world is much more complex than most two-way issues, the same goes with youth voting.

Let's now look at one of the two approaching gubernatorial elections.
New Jersey's race has been topsy-turvy. Incumbent Democratic governor Jon Corzine, hamstrung with a rough economic environment and voters increasingly unhappy with their state's corrupt reputation, trailed Republlican candidate Chris Christie from the start, though he has pulled even as of late given Christie's own problems.

Where do young voters come in? Let's use the New Jersey race as an example.

The New York Times published an article today titled, "Corzine Courts Obama Backers in All-Out Push." And yes, within the "Obama backers," the Times paints young voters as being the heart and soul of the group; it's great if they come through. But what if they don't?

We might be able to see a preview in the article. Check out this academic's view:

“If Corzine can activate the Obama surge vote in New Jersey, that would suggest that last year was more than just a flash, that it has staying power,” said Allan Lichtman, a history professor at American University. “It will show that Obama’s support was about more than just one candidate’s charismatic personality, and give him a chance to transform American politics.”

Did you get that? Only if young voters show up in New Jersey does "Yes We Can" mean anything. As if 2004 and 2006 didn't happen?? Perhaps, just maybe, Lichtman is missing something.

The article goes on:

The first-time voters are described by campaign operatives from both parties as more likely to be African-American, Latino and urban than the overall electorate. But the group also includes younger voters, so in addition to canvassing in places like Newark and Camden, Mr. Corzine’s campaign has obtained some voter data and contact information from Mr. Obama’s presidential campaign Web site, and is trying to reach them through online appeals and social networking.

“In 2005, Jon Corzine didn’t even have a Facebook page,” said Joseph Cryan, the state Democratic chairman. “But now, with the help of the president’s voter lists, we’ve got people following us on Twitter, and we are reaching out to them in ways we hadn’t ever done before.”

With turnout unlikely to exceed 2.5 million on Tuesday, Corzine officials estimate that if they draw only a quarter of first-time Obama voters to the polls, they could gain the edge they need.

But even the governor’s most ardent supporters acknowledge that selling Mr. Corzine to Obama admirers has not been easy. On the surface, it would be hard to imagine two political figures more different. Mr. Obama is charismatic, eloquent and stylish, while Mr. Corzine is self-effacing, and an often meandering public speaker. And more significant, Mr. Corzine bears the burden of the state’s gloomy economy and reputation for corruption.

News flash to the Corzine campaign: for as much as the Millennial generation likes to be online, likes to post pictures wearing scandalous Halloween costumes on Facebook, likes to watch funny videos on YouTube, and likes to organize political events and/or service projects, we need to be talked to in order to get our vote.

Yes, Barack Obama's organization did a great job in the campaign at connecting with us on social networks like Facebook, MySpace, YouTube, and a host of others. But he also talked about our issues, and his team made sure we were seeing friendly faces in addition to friend requests and emails. His style matched ours, and the issues he discussed resonated with us. Yes, he asked us to vote for him, but he also asked us to give something back, to get involved, and reminded us that there's got to be a place at the table for us if this country is to take steps forward in the 21st Century.

But Corzine's campaign is willing to settle for a certain number of youth (not suggesting that Obama's camp didn't have their targets in 2008, but they respected us enough to avoid coming out and saying it). This sends a perception that the youth are just the bloc the governor needs to retain power, nothing more. Why? Because if the governor was actually interested in what the youth of New Jersey had to offer, or what they might want to see in his platform or next term, he wouldn't be clinging to Obama.

Yes, it's important to have a Democratic governor in New Jersey, but it's also important for campaigns to understand that youth don't vote to vote. They do so because they're asked for something beyond the vote. The vote isn't a literal, routine act. It's pregnant with significance. It signifies that we see a piece of ourselves in the candidate, that we believe that person will make decisions with our best interests in mind. Part of that is accomplished when people our age support and defend the candidate to us.

You can't buy that. You can't get that feeling from young voters unless you try. And you don't try by spamming their Facebook accounts a week or so before Election Day.

So let's turn to this: say the youth, because the Corzine folks rarely engaged us, don't turn out and the media lambastes them for only voting for personality (codeword for Obama). What is our plan? How do we respond?

Unfortunately, given the lack of funding for many progressive youth organizations, the communications efforts aren't there. By no means am I an expert in progressive youth infrastructure, but I do want to raise awareness of this. Because I have a feeling that the Corzine campaign's inability to engage youth on a peer-to-peer level is going to have some rough consequences, I believe we're going to be facing the "youth are disengaged" meme that will affect our preparations for 2010 and 2012. What are we going to do?

Jose Antonio Vargas has a piece on the Huffington Post asking what happened to all of the young people that turned out for Obama. He also asks where too is the mainstream media

"the same MSM that declared 2008 as "The Year of the Youth Vote" -- in covering how young people are impacted by the health care debate, which has dominated the news for months? (Studies show that a quarter of Americans ages 25 to 34 don't have health insurance, while about a third of Americans ages 21 to 24 live without it -- more than any other age group."

Vargas says this is in part due to the high unemployment among young people and that many employers don't offer health insurance.

"Where is the Team Obama that adeptly leveraged the enthusiasm of its digitally-plugged young troops, who scheduled rallies on Facebook, passed YouTube videos around their network and sent text messages reminding their friends to vote? Speaking last month at George Washington University, just a few blocks from the White House, Obama's campaign manager David Plouffe told the college crowd: "Your generation won the election. . .Obama simply wouldn't have been the nominee without you."

He goes on to quote our friend Tobin Van Ostern who created Students for Barack Obama but who is now working with Campus Progress

"But, as far as I can tell, engaging young people hasn't been a top priority for the OFA, DNC and the White House."

Sad but true. Vargas talks about who is knocking doors for OFA and who is doing the work for the DNC but the long and short is that the work done by the campaign to do outreach to young voters, on campus, online, in their communities isn't even half of what they did during the campaign.

We were lucky to have a representative from the Treasury Department speak at the 80 Million Strong Conference and had Interior Secretary Ken Salazar talk about the outreach he is doing to young people to encourage them to get more involved in our state and national parks. Beyond that there is very little outreach to young people, particularly considering that young people were such a large portion of the voters.

"The sentiment is echoed in a blog on the popular site Tech Crunch that's gone viral in the past few days. "On the night of your acceptance speech, just before you walked on stage, 'you' sent out an email saying 'I will be in touch soon' -- but you disappeared and all we were left with was the strange feeling you get when your older brother ditches you for his cooler friends," began the post, which blogger Edo Segal wrote as an open letter to Obama."

He goes on to quote many who say that Obama the candidate ran a new and different campaign based on change, but governs in the same old way politicians always have. The New Media Strategy has also seen a major change. While it was a major facets to the campaign with their director reporting directly to the campaign manager, the White House new media strategy falls under one of the many outreach tools in the communications department.

Not mentioned by Vargas is the office of public liaison whose youth outreach representative is the same as the faith based and non-profit outreach person. Can you honestly tell me that one person can handle all of the faith based outreach and non-profits and then have time to do an aggressive youth outreach strategy? Not a chance. At the same time, faith based groups are accustom to having a seat at the table in the White House, and they know very well how it works. Youth are accustom to being ignored, so they aren't as likely to stick their neck out and demand a meeting with someone from the White House.

At one point there was a monthly conference call among youth leaders and the office of public liaison, but one youth leader who asked to not be identified said it was such a colossal waste of time that he quite participating and he doesn't know if they continue.

While the process might seem trite, the result has the appearance that youth aren't a major concern to the White House, the DNC, or OFA.

By contrast, Congressional Democrats have done a lot more in efforts to reach out to young people. While I consistently criticize Chris van Hollen for the DCCC's youth outreach program being "showing candidates the data," chairs of Congressional Committees (particularly Rep. George Miller) have worked with several youth groups and young leaders as partners in policy initiatives and in passing legislation. The Speaker's office continues to be an open door to young people, and Speaker Pelosi reaches out to youth more and more each year.

Reporters and bloggers have been writing about the upcoming election saying that young voters won't come out for the midterms. It's the same thing we've heard over and over again, and each year we work to show them they're wrong, we are relevant, and that we can't be ignored. But in a year when we've been so consistently ignored, placated, and the once "You're the change in this movement" has turned into "you think you're invincible," makes me wonder if its a self fulfilling prophecy.

Vargas closes his piece quoting youth ally Morley Winograd who spoke about the outreach the White House could have done around health care to guarantee it was passed:

"There's been a missed opportunity here in showcasing the kind of youthful, optimistic, hopeful energy that greatly Obama benefited from during the campaign," said Morley Winograd. . ."But of course it does not at all mean that the opportunity has gone away."

This week Politico published an article discussing the "wane" in student political enthusiasm on American college campuses this off-year cycle. Erika Lovley juxtaposes this lack of excitement for the gubernatorial races in New Jersey and Virginia with the heightened political participation last fall.

Before we get into comparisons, let's acknowledge that youth are going to need to show up in these races if Democrats want to hold on to these offices. Increasingly, youth voters are forming the heart of the Democratic coalition, along with Latinos, African-Americans, and women.

But I have three issues with this analysis.

1.) The comparison is off -- it might as well be comparing apples and oranges. Off-year elections (non-presidential elections, especially non-mid-term elections) are notorious for low turnout. What we should be paying attention to are youth turnout rates for 2005. Both Virginia and New Jersey showed double-digit increases in dense precincts from 2001 to 2005, for example. The big question should be whether or not students and other young voters can build off that increased 2005 rate, or at least maintain it.

2.) Where is the mention of the kind of campaign being run? It's not much different from the health care debate? These campaigns, especially the New Jersey race, are down in the mud, dirty affairs. If we're trying to get youth interested in politics for the sake of public service and other noble-minded ideals, the structure and style of the campaigns being run aren't a great match. And if we do want to compare with Obama's campaign, well, there's not much of a comparison there.

3.) Repeat after me: The increase in the youth vote does not originate with Obama's candidacy. We have tried and tried again to debunk this, but apparently it's just not taking.

While the FM crew was attending Netroots Nation 2009, an op-ed glorifying the role of young voters in the Obama campaign ran in the Des Moines Register. Obama may not be in a race in 2010, but that doesn't make the youth vote a wild card. Like any other demographic, you have to earn their vote, by asking for it and demonstrating that your ideas are better than your opponents. Robert Weiner is quick to point out the positives, and gets it mostly right.

In Iowa, Obama built his base around 17-29 year olds, meeting with high school student-government leaders, speaking at colleges and choosing a hip-hop event sponsored by Usher over one by AARP. Among people under 25 in the 2008 Democratic caucus, Obama claimed 17,000 votes (he only won by 20,000) and was preferred 4 to 1.

His personality and youthful habits (playing basketball) charmed young Americans. He made politics "cool" again as seen by T-shirts at trendy shops with his face on them and his fist bump with his wife.

Yet what won him the most was concentrating on issues important to young people. A poll conducted by the Center for Information on Civic Learning found that among young Obama voters, the top issues were the Iraq war, economy and health care.

Great - recognizing that he does have an appealing personality, but more importantly, he reached out to young voters on the issues they cared most about during the election.

Now the author turns to the "be like Mike" tagline that worked so well for Gatorade. The problem with this is that while politicians have become brands, they are still elected officials.

Thirty-nine election seats for governor will be open in 2010 in addition to the 435 House seats and 36 Senate seats. Candidates can win the youth vote by concentrating on areas of interest to young people and by modeling their campaigns after Obama.

[...]

Young Americans were criticized for political apathy. The 2008 elections proved that teens and twenties can make a difference; but whether this is a one-time phenomenon is an open question. Pretending "I'm Obama," will only take a politician so far; it is going to have to be more, "I'm like Barack," and mean it.

When he says to be like Barack, I assume he means to encourage citizen participation, to throw aside bitter partisanship for cooperation and to not overlook any voting demographic. Candidates should be themselves, instead of invoking the names and personalities of the past. To a certain degree, candidate Obama drew parallels to President Kennedy, but that seems to me to be an appeal to the generation that was young when Kennedy was around. Candidate Obama campaigned on change and a break from the politics of old; he's taken a step in that direction, but future candidates will have to go even further.

Last week (Aug 5 - 9) I was in Chicago, IL for the 2009 Young Democrats of America National Convention. Aside from being in an awesome city and being around tons of young people with similar beliefs, the convention proved to be an incredible learning and networking experience. YDA is more than a social club it is a respectable organization dedicated to motivating young people and making them a more powerful political force Nation wide. YDA achieves this through various training sessions offered throughout the week and bringing in great speakers like Dr. Howard Dean.

During the week thousands of Democrats (young and old) gathered in Chicago to attend the great training sessions and see the speakers. The training sessions offered at the YDA convention ranged from sessions on "Community Organizers Running for Office" to "Finance 101 and Finance 202". As a result of the top notch training many young democrats returned to their states ready to work and better trained to make a difference (full list of training sessions at the end of post).

This year the Kansas delegation consisted of seventeen great Young Democrats from various areas of the state. All of us attended multiple training sessions and we all left Chicago excited and ready to get started. The training we received in Chicago was extremely valuable and it was only because of the great donors we had statewide that we were able to go. The donors enabled all of us to return home armed with the know how needed and the hopes of helping to turn Kansas a few shades bluer.

Kansas Delegation list: Tyler Longpine, Colin Curtis (me), Skye Coleman, Chris Terry, Jamie Epstein, Chelsea Mertz, John Moreau, Merriam Langdon, Erin Doughty, Ben Cohen, Andrew Rickel, Amar Gupta, Molly McGuire, Andrew Mertz, Shane Gagnebin, Jimelle Austin, Anthony Martinez.

Part of the Kansas delegation is pictured below

YDA presents youth from all over the Nation with the opportunity to make connections, receive the training needed to organize their community, the know how to be an extremely valuable member of their community, become a more effective activist, or prepare them for a career in political campaigns and public service.

Among all the exciting training sessions and all the great speakers there was also an election that took place. Their were two slates running for the leadership positions in YDA. Sarah Burris brought you the first announcement of election results in her post. The slate elected to lead YDA for the next two years was referred to as YDA Works (which includes fellow Everyday Citizen writer William Isaac Robinson). YDA Works has identified problems with in the organization and has committed to improving YDA over the next two years in a multitude of ways.

What we have to work on:

-The number of local YDA chapters created online has skyrocketed in the past few years, but our ability to engage those new chapters has not kept up with our growth.

-YDA Partnership Programs, until recently, have only worked with State Organizations – leaving the creativity and passion of local chapters out of our national organization and the best practices and campaign resources of the national organization away from local chapters.

-Many local chapters do not feel connected to the national organization, each other, or the broader youth movement, limiting our collective effectiveness.

-YDA’s technological infrastructure is inefficient and can not sustain the growth of YDA. Our local chapters feel the pain of this inadequacy when trying to perform general administrative duties and while communicating with their members.

How we will make YDA work better:

-Make sure YDA has an operational online membership management system for all local chapters.
Invest in a peer-to-peer partnership program for the 2009 elections in Virginia that provides opportunities for all chapters around the country to develop young voter contact skills to be utilized in their states for the 2010 elections.

-Continue to expand the partnership programs to local chapters and caucuses in order to get YDA resources on the ground.

-Rely on the creativity and ingenuity of our local chapters and their leadership when it comes to creating programming.

Pictured: YDA Works team (left to right) Rod Snyder, Executive Vice President, Renee Hartley, First VP, Isaac Robinson, Second VP, Colmon Elridge, Third VP, Emily Robinson, Secretary, Mark Newman, Treasurer and at the podium is Crystal Strait, President.

Fellow Future Majority writer, Kevin Bondelli, also deserves a great amount of credit in this election. Kevin was the campaign manager for YDA Works and the newly appointed YDA Chief of Staff.

I believe my involvement in YDA has and will continue to help me grow politically and help me to become a more active member of society and for the causes I believe in. I am currently in the aspirations to be elected as the President of the Kansas Young Democrats, for you Kansans I hope I can count on your support in my race. I encourage all Young Democrats to reach out to their local YDA chapter and get involved because only through our involvement will we be able to ensure our voices are heard.

As promised from above- Complete Training list with descriptions:

Community Organizer Large Training Tracks:

-Community Organizers Running for Office
So you think you want to run for office? Come learn exactly what it takes; from the initial gut check, to developing a campaign plan, to actually getting out the vote for yourself. Hear from Young Democrats from across the country that have run campaigns like this and/or have been elected to office themselves.

-Community Organizers Take On Election Reform
We can continue to increase youth turnout by removing certain barriers from our elections. Learn about same day voter registration, online registration, changing the voter registration age, and early voting- and how to get these things in your states.

-Community Organizers Take On Global Warming
It’s a great day to go green. It’s time for young people to lead the discussion on why global warming and the environment is an issue and how we plan to lead the charge. Learn everything from current and new technologies, to green, sustainable jobs. It's time to discuss how federal policy and energy initiatives directly affect young people and our communities and how we can be effective in communicating these new ideas!

-Community Organizers Take On Higher Education
With less than 25% of young people in college it's time we make Higher Education a frontline issue. Learn about the access and affordability barriers students are facing, and legislation around the issue.

-Community Organizers Hit The Field
Learn everything about field plans, how we utilize the peer to peer model, and how to manage your volunteers during a campaign.

-Community Organizers Utilize New Media and Online Organizing
We don’t just tweet to tweet. Learn about new media outlets, organizing online, and how to build new media into a coordinated campaign plan.

-Community Organizers Take on Healthcare
Over 15 Million young people are uninsured. Healthcare reform is a main issue right now in our communities and within government. Learn how you can represent the youth voice and ensure you are insured.

-Community Organizers Take on Marriage Equality
Marriage Equality is the civil rights battle of our time. Learn how we can pass marriage equality in every state and how to keep the momentum for this issue going strong!

-Community Organizers Take On Housing
We have all heard about the crisis in the housing and lending industries, but what does it all mean? Demystify the housing issue, how we found ourselves in this situation, and how it is affecting young people.

-Community Organizers Take on Redistricting
2010 is almost here and that means we can gain or lose Democratic districts. Learn how we can ensure congressional districts are drawn fairly and how we can mobilize young people and Democrats in these districts during an election.

Round Table Discussions and Briefings:

-YDA 101: New Member Orientation
New to YDA? Come find out a little bit about our history, our structure, what peer to peer is, and how the convention works. Meet YDA leaders, staff, and other new members like yourself and find out how to get more involved.

-Dream Act
Learn about the thousands of undocumented students in this country and the obstacles they face around Higher Education. We will discuss current legislation as well as grass roots advocacy that can be taken within your communities to ensure access and affordable education for ALL students.

-Foreign Policy
Learn what issues young Democrats are facing on a global scale and how we can take a stance on foreign policy and partner with young Democratic leaders from around the world.
Discussion Groups on Chapter Building
Starting a new chapter or simply want to grow your existing chapter? Brainstorm with your fellow chapter members and leaders: different leadership and meeting structures, best practices on recruitment and retention, and how to mobilize your chapter for YDA within your communities.

-Finance 101 and Finance 202
101: Learn the basics of fundraising and developing a workable finance plan for your chapter.
202: Put your fundraising trainings and best practices into action. Learn about Call Time and practice actual fundraising with your peers.

-Writing a Voter Registration Plan
Before we can begin turning out the vote for Democrats we have to make sure they’re registered! Learn how to write a voter registration plan that you and your chapter can enact in your communities.

-Religion in Politics
Engage in discussions with fellow Young Democrats of ways that religion intersects with politics.

-Demopolis 101 and Demopolis 202
101: Become more familiar navigating yourself around the site and all the ways it can benefit your chapter. Learn how to manage your lists, send out eblasts, and how to set up events.
202: Learn how to set up targeted actions, advocacy campaigns, petitions, and LTEs

-Community Service this Summer Summit
Learn how to get your chapter signed up for a National Day of Service project and who you can partner with to make sure your community benefits from your service project.

-How to Get on the 6 o'clock News and Look Good
Get interviewing techniques from a former CNN producer on how you can get yourself on the news and look good.

-So You Want To Host A Meeting?
So you think you want to host a YDA meeting, conference, or convention? Well we want you to as well, but we want you to know what you’re getting yourself into! Come to this training and hear from state and local chapter leaders that have hosted a meeting and see exactly what it takes.

Pictured: YDA Political Director Hailey Snow leading the new member orientation.

Pictured: Two great people who made sure the convention ran smoothly. YDA's own Hailey Snow and Katie Ford

Yesterday, the Washington Post endorsed a bill that would bring Election Day Registration to the District of Columbia:

IF YOU make it easier to vote, more people will vote. That has proved to be the case in states that have cleared away unnecessary hurdles to the ballot. And it is the premise behind a noteworthy proposal to reform elections in the District of Columbia.

The Omnibus Election Reform Act of 2009 aims to give more D.C. residents the opportunity to vote by allowing Election Day voter registration and eliminating restrictions on absentee and early voting. The bill, the brainchild of D.C. Council member Mary M. Cheh (D-Ward 3), also targets younger voters in two significant ways. For the first time, 16-year-olds would be able to pre-register, and 17-year-olds would be permitted to vote in primary elections if they would be 18 by the general election.

[...]

We hope that the D.C. Council adopts this bill, with one proviso. The provision to create an advisory council to the Board of Elections and Ethics needs to be rethought. Not only is the exact role of this board unclear, but there is a danger that its members, most appointed by the mayor and council, could politicize what must be an independent, nonpartisan process.

Kudos to D.C. for pushing forward this (small d) democratic reform, as well as making a point to bring more young voters into the process. As I've blogged in the past, approximately 81% of registered young voters cast their ballots each year. Voter registration really is the single biggest barrier to youth participation, and at the heart of what many youth vote skeptics typically dub "voter apathy." Apathy is not the problem. The problem is access, and voter registration reform is the solution.

In my view, though, this reform does not go far enough. EDR is a great way to open up the system, but why do we even need voter registration at all? What we need is a nationwide, automatic, universal registration system. Voter registration shouldn't be an opt-in system.

Fortunately, it looks like such a system is gaining in popularity and currently under study:

No state has yet to adopt universal voter registration. But the idea, common in European democracies, is the subject of a careful study by the Brennan Center for Justice and seems to be gaining traction.

The sooner the better. The evidence of fraud is miniscule, and the upside in greater participation is a public good that can't be ignored. If the government can send me my Selective Service card when I turn 16, they can send my my voter registration card when I turn 18.