The Social Justice and Progressive Politics Divide
This is a rough articulation of a problem I’m grappling with, and its quickly shaping up to be its own chapter in my book (though it wasn’t part of my original outline). I need a lot of help teasing this out, so comments are very much appreciated.
As I’ve been considering the place of - or more frequently total lack of - organizations whose mission it is to reach out to, engage, and elevate young people of color in our politics, I’ve started to think a lot lately about the divide between two major progressive constituencies: those who understand political activity through the vocabulary and history of social justice movements, vs. those who consider themselves to be part of a new progressive movement.
This new progressive movement seeks to work within and transform the system. It is party-based and electoral. During interviews for my book, a couple people pointed out to me that a lot of political terminology and basic concepts that we in this movement take for granted - including the term progressive - are either alienating or just nonstarters among a lot of young people of color. Instead, young people of color understand politics through a language based in community organizing, human rights, civil rights, and social justice. That is a language the progressive movement rarely embraces. Worse, its a language that the Democratic Party - our chosen vehicle of change - almost never embraces.
For the most part, it’s a racial divide (though not exclusively so). In the past, the civil rights movement offered a common mission and language. But identity politics is reaching its limits as a vehicle for accomplishing change, and we can’t remain siloed anymore. At the same time, asking people to drop identity politics altogether is totally unacceptable. That model developed for a reason - to address structural and outright biases in our system. These problems persist, and you can’t deny that a rightful place in our political conversation.
So, in the words of Led Zeppelin, “Where’s the bridge?” This is a problem for the progressive movement in general, but, as the most diverse generation in modern American history, it has particular relevance to any discussion of Millennial politics.
In the last 15 years, the share of white voters 18-29 has decreased from 84% to 71%. African American and Latino youth now make up almost 25% of the youth vote (18-29). These new voters are breaking heavily Democratic (African Americans by almost 4-1, Latinos by more than 2-1), and demonstrating high rates of turnout. Young African Americans are more likely than their white counterparts to participate in a variety of electoral activities including voting, donating money, displaying signs/buttons, and volunteering for political organizations.
What does it mean to be the most diverse generation in modern American history if we can’t effectively talk to each other and organize together for political change? This divide is something that we as a generation are going to need to tackle if we are to create a coherent movement.
Young People For and some other groups are making a concerted effort to reach out to young people of color, but outreach is difficult when you lack a basic, common vocabulary or theory of change. Broadcast politics orgs like Vote or Die and ground game orgs like ACORN do a good job GOTVing and turning out young people of color - but neither offer a sustainable model of longterm engagement, and neither do more than provide basic entry into a common vehicle for change. This is one of the reasons I was so angry about the League losing some of their funding. They’re one of the few groups I’ve seen bridging this divide and committed to operating 24/7/365.
I’ve talked about a “.org Youth Boom” in 2003/2004 - a boom that continues today. Groups arise and blaze a trail, some fall, some scale up, new groups arise to build on the best practices that emerge. But in that cycle, there are very, very few groups that engage people of color. And those that do seem to be some of the first to die off once the election ended and the movement wasn’t fishing for votes anymore …
To be sure, lack of resources is an aggravating factor here. You can’t bridge these gaps if no one as the resources to even try. Many people in these communities don’t have access to the funding networks, social, or even professional connections that can help them bootstrap something. Because of the alienation from even a vocabulary that recognizes the electoral process and partisan politics as a vehicle for change, progressive politics isn’t even on the radar in some of these communities when it comes time to thinking about how to get involved and effect change.
I’ve seen some interesting work from groups like Color of Change … maybe that’s a way forward. But this seems to be the nadir of the progressive youth movement - the one spot where things aren’t bumping and shaking with entrepreneurial activity.
I don’t know what the answer to this problem is, but it’s pretty obvious there is a problem.
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What evidence exists that
What evidence exists that there is a gap? I’m not saying a don’t believe you, but if we look at the details of where exactly the divide lies (and where it doesn’t), it’ll be easier to try to explain what to do about it.
Are young people of color being reached and getting involved in more general youth outreach efforts and organizations? Or are they being left out, given the existing framework?
I think this is a great conversation to have, and it seems like you have good reason to believe what you do about there being a disconnect within the progressive youth movement. I’m just curious as to exactly what those reasons are.
Anecdotal and Research
Erin,
A combination of anecdotal and research. Some of the groups and people I’ve spoken to have done internal research showing that there is a divide - particularly where language and broad frames of social change are concerned, and particularly among young people of color (and also lower income young people regardless of race). The rest is purely anecdotal from hearing stories about groups lacking resources and seeing groups get mothballed, defunded and shut down (Black Youth Vote, Vote or Die).
Yes, people of color are being reached out to on a cyclical basis - when Democrats need votes. And it works - they turnout in high numbers and have an insanely high partisan ID in favor of Democrats. And in off years, on a local scale many of these folks do community organizing. But this is local work, couched as social justice. It’s not viewed as part of, or even having the same interests as, the Democratic Party or supporting progressive institutions. That makes it very difficult to forge coalitions, get people messaging together, working cooperatively, etc. And this is a divide that starts when people are very young and first get involved.
Does Camp Wellstone reach a lot of young people of color? DFA? I don’t know, but I’m guessing no, based on what I’m hearing. Are people of color highly represented in the college Democrats? Maybe, but what about non-college young people? Where do they go to get involved in the party? They don’t.
Where are the partisan political organizations meant to draw young people of color into the political sphere?
Sorry if I’m not very articulate about this, but that’s why I’m brining this up. I sort of know, internally what’s going on and what I want to say, but I, too, lack the vocabulary to talk about it in a coherent way. That’s what I’m hoping we can come to if we keep hashing this out.
social justice organizing vs. progressive activism
you point out a very interesting dichotomy between social justice organizing and progressive electoral work. that’s very interesting; i’ve sensed that divide for a long time but never really thought about it until i read this.
anyway, here are some thoughts i have about how these groups interact.. and below i assume that social justice organizers are primarily community organizers and labor organizers.
organizers help create an ideological environment which frames the electoral landscape. organizers aren’t alone, as media, education systems, family units, etc. also play a part. but organizers create an environment which electoral activists might be able to exploit. i think of it as “hooks”. the organizer helps the community member or worker discover that her best interests, and those of the rest of the community, are to see X (higher wage, less traffic on the street, whatever) happens; and through a painful and deliberate process, the community sees that yes, X is indeed beneficial and possible. then the organizer comes along and tells the community that candidate Y will help them accomplish X. so to the degree that community members see the election as a matter of accomplishing X, and to the degree that they believe Y will really get the job done, they’ll go vote for that candidate.
a supporter-focused progressive issue advocate does much the same job as a community organizer. a progressive electoral activist recruits and trains (or just finds) good progressive candidates, then works to finance and spread the word about that candidate, then finally gets out the vote for the candidate. the job has a certain structure and is shaped largely by the election date. on the other hand, issue advocacy is much more free-form, and includes media work, fundraising, lobbying, finding supporters, and asking them to write to their elected officials. if the issue advocate is really focused on these latter two tasks, then the advocate is, in many ways, doing the same thing as a community organizer. the main difference is that whereas community organizers (in theory) let community members decide what to advocate for, the issue advocate usually decides in advance what the group will advocate for. this is a very important difference, but in mechanistic ways, the community organizer and issue advocate do a lot of similar work. for what it’s worth, Massachusetts’s main marriage equality group, MassEquality, approaches its member recruitment and mobilization tasks in much the same way as a community organizer would; by canvassing, setting up community meetings, etc.
organizers frequently delve into direct electoral work, sometimes getting behind the same candidates as progressive electoral advocates. this is especially true of labor unions - so much so that many progressives think of unions primarily as election machines, and only secondarily as workplace membership organizations! it’s also true of community organizations, although their involvement is much more localized (tends not to get involved in statewide and federal politics) and can be sporadic (might skip an election or two). obviously, it is via this bridge that progressive electoral activists most frequently bump into social justice organizers.
Also, quite apart from all of this, I wonder what you think about the different religious character of the progressive movement and minority community, and how that contributes to the division between the two.
Labor
So you come to another distinction. I would not count labor organizers in this category. At least not in terms of the divide. Labor Unions have strong activist ties to the Democratic Party and the new progressive movement, which is precisely what I see as lacking among many young people of color due to this divide. That said, I’ve also heard that this divide exists generally among lower income youth, not just those from communities of color. Now, I think there is also a divide between young people and the old unions, but that’s another topic altogether, because in that instance you don’t have young people flocking to the unions instead of the Democratic Party rather you have them staying away altogether.
w/r/t your first bullet point, I agree, but I think that in many ways all the support systems you mentioned also frame things in terms of social justice, so it is self-reinforcing. You raise an interesting progression, talking about candidate X. I have no proof, but maybe these candidates are so tied to the community and couched in social justice themselves that the divide persists. This seems like it might be the case in some places here in Brooklyn. Another possibility is that this relationship is mainly exploitative, progressive candidate X is fishing for votes and no longterm relationship is forged. I don’t know - it is definitely something to follow up on in my next round of interviews.
All the points you raise are really good. In an attempt to perhaps refine my thesis - maybe what I’m looking at - and what the people I talk to are looking at - is a lack of permanent, national groups that engage young people of color in a systematic way. There are no Camp Wellstones, groups like The League get defunded very quickly. Or maybe its that the divide itself - the lack of common vocabulary is a huge problem and there are no organizations specifically working to bridge that divide and draw parallels between social justice and progressive “movement” politics …
I guess where I really need help is in nailing down “what is missing” and what the significance of that is in the larger scope of things. Anyway, I need sleep. Maybe it will make more sense in the morning.
As for religion, definitely too late and too big a subject now. But we had a really good conversation about this a couple weeks ago. I’d recommend revisiting that thread for some of the best this community has to offer on the subject.
labor, candidates, the larger question
that’s a good point - labor is not divided from politics in quite the same way that community organizing is. part of that is for legal reasons (most community organizations are non-profits, therefore required by law not to engage too much in politics; whereas labor unions are legally allowed to do so). my main point there is that the work of a labor organizer and a community organizer is mechanistically very similar (although there are often some sharp differences as well - for example, community organizers don’t have to worry about contract negotiations.)
as for the candidate-and-organizer story, i’d be willing to bet there’s a whole spectrum. on the one hand you have paul wellstone, who emerged from community organizing to become a us senator. (barack obama too.) on the other hand you probably have well-meaning local candidates who, in the process of getting to know their community, find the organizations which they are sympathetic to and join cause with them. and then there are extremes in the other directions, of candidates who cynically try to exploit community organizations. (i can’t imagine those candidates succeed for very long, though.)
i wish i could help with the “what is missing” piece, but i’m rather clueless myself. have you thought about doing some interviews, or putting together a simple (if unscientific) surveymonkey survey, and distributing it through various channels?
thanks for the link to the religion thread!
Symbolic Importance of Icons [framing]
Joseph Campbell would argue that if we want our narrative to gain traction, we need a hero to figure prominently in the monomyth of America's progress. Beyond FDR and JFK, I'd say we need to hold up MLK. The right gets the power of narrative -- of mythological heroes - occasionally they still bend history to claim Lincoln as their own, but increasingly they burnish their Goldwater and Reagan medallions.
I believe Progressives are like MLK liberals from the late 60s.
We have a great model in Dr. King. He worked the system to change the system - he knew that power is money, but people are powerful enough to topple old calcified power structures.
If the progressive movement is ever going to be able to take King up as one of our icons, it has to happen soon before he is too defanged in the eyes of young Americans by the right.
King is being sanitized into a smoothed off, mellowed out respectable national hero whose comfortable, present-day image bears little resemblance to the human King or to the political King of 1965-1968.
Part of the Progressives' mission must be to push Democrats to be the party of the people, with framing that forces Republicans to be the party of corrupt corporations.
"Where's that confounded bridge?" Hows that for a bridging story?
"No, Mr. President, I'll tell you how its gonna roll..."
Who's gonna play those notes?
It’s a hell of a bridge, for sure. It certainly wasn’t what I was looking for. The more I teased this out (here and on other sites), the more I realized that I was looking for an answer that didn’t get to the question as a language question. Even though language is a huge factor and I mentioned it upfront in my post, I was approaching this from the point of view of resources and infrastructure (which is itself a valuable realization).
This was doubly true after reading this in a post by Chris Bowers:
I’m still trying to wrangle out the significance of the divide itself, and if, as Bowers says, enough people flow from one side to the other and that each side has sufficient resources to do its job well, bridging it isn’t of the utmost importance.
One of the big problems - from a youth standpoint - is that there aren’t sufficient resources. So there is that - the money divide - which has been and remains a problem.
From a framing and language standpoint, I like your suggestion a lot. The real, (almost) forgotten message of Dr. King can be a bridge that translate for the social justice types the true meaning and goals of progressive politics, and vice versa for the progressive folks vis a vis social justice work.
But you still have to create and implement that broad narrative, and make sure that within that process there is a real learning on both sides and the adoption of a common language. With a divided structure, it would have to come equally from both sides of the divide. The challenge there is that there is a lot of history on both sides of the divide, and things that have evolved from the work of Dr. King that are in some ways at the foundation of the divide.
So I guess I’m still looking for that intermediate step that gets this to happen. Particularly on a municipal and state level, which, at the youth level, is really where this needs to happen. Especially among the social justice groups. In the next 5 years, what can youth groups that reach people of color (or don’t) do to bridge that language/knowledge divide - if that is even necessary?
I tend to think it is - mainly because I see that as one way they will get access to sustained funding (which their progressive counterparts enjoy to a somewhat larger extent) and cease to be just a voting block the DNC courts during major elections and then dumps the morning after.